our interviews

While on the one hand the genocidal policies against the Kurds are continued with full intensity, on the other hand, there are the statements by Devlet Bahceli on the Kurdish question. What point has politics in Turkey reached with regard to the Kurdish question? Is there any change in the approach to the issue on the part of the ruling parties and the opposition, especially the CHP?

The Kurdish question is Turkey’s biggest problem. If it is solved, it will give Turkey a great momentum, but if it is not, it will turn into an even bigger shackle for the country. So far the Kurdish question is a big shackle because there has been no will on the part of the state to create a solution. Denial and extermination have been the only methods used by it. It is obvious that this has only deepened the problem and aggravated the shackles on Turkey’s feet. Although they are aware of this, they still insist on continuing the genocide against the Kurds. This shows the existence of a deeply rooted mentality. And this goes hand in hand with a circle of people in the state who can only hold on to their position and power because of the lack of resolving the Kurdish question.

There is no doubt that the political dimension bears the main responsibility for the Kurdish question becoming so deep and remaining unsolved. The politics in Turkey do not have the attitude that solves problems, develops methods, and creates development. A state-centered, rather than society-centered, understanding of politics has persisted, and the nationalist, monist nation state ideology has made Turkish politics reactionary and inefficient. There is a political reality in Turkey that consists of a refusal to see and deal with problems like the Kurdish question in all their depth and with all their dimensions. Looking from the past to the present, one can easily see that there has not been much change in Turkish politics, but there has been a certain change in Turkish society. Despite all the fascist special war that is being waged against it, there has been a change in Turkish society. Especially our struggle and our paradigm have a significant impact on it. Again, despite all the disinformation and perception operations, the developments in Rojava are also affecting Turkish society. The contribution of democratic politics should also be mentioned in this respect. Society is ahead of politics in Turkey. This is a serious paradox.

There is no change in the government’s approach. On the contrary, the AKP-MHP government is trying to deepen the politics of genocide and finalize it. The most concrete indicator of this is the government’s approach to Rojava. In view of these facts, it would be extremely wrong to perceive Devlet Bahceli’s statements as a change in political approach. At the moment, we are in a period in which special war is predominant. The approach of the state and the government to Rêber Apo¹ and the Kurdish question has not gone beyond the concept of special war. The state and the government have not developed a new approach to the Kurdish question.

It is crucial for opposition politics to approach the Kurdish question correctly. If politics is to be done in Turkey, if there is to be an alternative to the government, this is only possible by approaching the Kurdish question correctly and defending the democratic solution of it. If the opposition in Turkey cannot develop an alternative politics to the government’s politics, it is because it does not approach the Kurdish question correctly. If alternative politics is to defend and fight for at least minimum democratic principles, the way to do this in Turkey is to approach the Kurdish question correctly and defend its democratic solution. Recently, it is seen that some opposition parties have developed more positive approaches than in the past; while this is positive, there is still no holistic, determined, and solution-oriented approach. In general, the political parties have not overcome their pragmatic approach to the Kurds and the Kurdish question. Nationalist, monist mentality has a prevailing impact on politics. This prevents the correct approach to the Kurdish question and the development of its democratic solution.

There is a struggle by democratic politics for Turkish politics to get out of the influence of the nationalist, monist, and statist mentality and to adopt an approach that takes into account social reality. This has had, to a certain extent, a positive influence, especially on the opposition parties. In the past, as the HDP and now as the DEM Party, both the political struggle waged and the political strategy pursued have an impact on the opposition parties in Turkey. The method implemented in the municipal elections under the name of urban consensus has yielded positive results. These approaches developed by democratic politics positively affect the style and politics of opposition parties.

The CHP came out as the leading party in the last election. Especially from this position, it should take the most responsibility for solving the problems of the country. Turkish society has put forward its expectations in favor of the CHP. If the CHP acts on the basis of this responsibility, it will receive even more support from society. Considering the fact that the existence of the Kurdish question is the basis of all problems in Turkey, the future of the CHP, whether it will be an alternative government or not, will be determined by its approach to the Kurdish question. If it is mistakenly assumed that any problem in Turkey can be solved while denying and ignoring the existence of the Kurdish question and without taking the democratic solution of the Kurdish question as a basis, it will not be possible for the CHP or any other opposition party to make any progress. The future of the CHP will be determined by its approach to the Kurdish question. As far as we follow it, the new leadership of the CHP has a positive approach to the solution of the Kurdish question. There is a difference in approach compared to the past. What is important is that this is transformed into a democratic program.

Following the conclusion of the municipal elections, the government put into effect the trustee policy. The arresting of elected co-mayors and the trustee policy has now also spread to municipalities governed by the CHP. How should this trustee policy be understood? What can the struggle against it and the underlying mentality look like?

There is much debate about what the appointment of trustees means, but the important aspect is to have an attitude against it and to develop a struggle against it. Trusteeship does not only consist of usurping municipalities, it is the will of the people that is being usurped. In the current system in Turkey, the will of the people is not accepted; to the state, it does not exist. Therefore it is neither democratic nor legitimate. With the appointment of trustees to municipalities by the state, the dismissal of elected officials, their arrest, and imprisonment, democracy has been completely shelved. This practice is the work of the AKP-MHP government. With the AKP-MHP government, there is not even a trace of representative democracy, which is called bourgeois democracy. The fact that the appointment of trustees is now also developed against CHP municipalities reveals the understanding of the government and shows that the government wants to adjust the CHP by intimidating and threatening. It wants the CHP to turn away from its relationship with the DEM Party. The AKP-MHP government is aware that an opposition that engages with the Kurds and the democratic forces in Turkey is an alternative to itself and is afraid of this. It is trying to prevent this with its practice of appointing trustees.

But for sure, the practice of appointing trustees is a fruitless practice. It is a sign of bankrupt politics. In the municipal elections on March 31, the people gave the necessary answer to the trustees and the ones that push forward the mentality behind all of this. In the words of the people, the trustees were sent away. However, the state and the government have not given up, they insist on Kurdish genocide. This is the main reason why they have started to reappoint the trustees that were sent away by the people. Everyone who opposes the trustee practice must approach the Kurdish question in a holistic, determined, and courageous manner. Overcoming the monist, authoritarian, and reactionary mentality in Turkey and the development of democratization is only possible by embracing the democratic solution of the Kurdish question. As long as this is avoided, the monist, authoritarian, and reactionary mentality will gradually envelop and suffocate the entire society and politics of Turkey. The appointment of trustees to CHP municipalities reveals this reality.

With the appointment of trustees, the AKP-MHP government is also trying to take revenge for the outcome of the municipal elections. It is clearly punishing the people. The society of Turkey, especially the Kurdish people, is aware of this reality and reacts strongly against it. The society is very disturbed by the practice of appointing trustees and this approach of the AKP-MHP government. It is also trying to reflect this discomfort. However, this discomfort in society needs to be organized and put into action. The example of Wan (tr. Van) shows that when this happens, the government is forced to take a step back. In this respect, there must be a strong sense of responsibility, and an according attitude is needed to be developed.

In addition to the genocidal attacks on the political dimension, the extensive special warfare on Kurdish society, particularly targeting the women and youth, continues. However, despite this, Kurdish society, pioneered by women and the youth, takes to the streets. In 2024, what kind of concept did the AKP-MHP fascist government implement against the peoples of Kurdistan? What approach and resistance should the Kurdish people develop against this?

The so-called ‘collapse plan’ that was set into action by the Turkish government envisioned the massacre of the Kurdish people. It was aimed to realize genocide by destroying all the resistance centers of the society. In order for this plan to succeed, on the one hand, annihilation attacks were carried out against the movement and the guerrilla, and on the other hand, the law was totally pushed aside, and the Kurdish people were attacked with a violence that surpassed everything that had been before. Intense physical violence was developed. The society was intimidated with trustee appointments, detentions, arrests, oppression, torture, executions, and all kinds of other threats.

Also, the attacks on the nature of Kurdistan should be considered within the scope of this physical violence. There is a reckless attack on the nature of Kurdistan, and this attack is within the scope of Kurdish genocide. The geography of Kurdistan is not only plundered but also made uninhabitable and dehumanized. Society was wanted to rot from within through psychological special warfare. Drugs, prostitution, spying, and all kinds of degradation methods were developed within this framework. Especially the women and the youth were the main targets of this, and thereby the decay of society was aimed at. Disinformation and perception-building activities were intensified on the public. Paramilitary structures, collaborator agents, mafia, JITEM-derived counter-organizations, special military, police organizations, the national intelligence service, and many more structures that would put this special psychological warfare into practice, with an intensity exceeding the one in the 90s, were moved to Kurdistan. With all these physical and psychological attacks, the Kurdish people were tried to be forced on their knees. But this policy didn’t succeed, and the state did not get the result it expected. The Kurdish people did not give up their stance of struggle, patriotism, and freedom. Let alone falling back from these, it has raised the struggle even higher. With the global freedom campaign for the physical freedom of Rêber Apo and the democratic solution of the Kurdish question, it has made its struggle more known to the whole world and received more support from the peoples and women of the world. However, one must always be aware of the fact that the enemy has not given up on his efforts to destroy us and continues to increase its physical and psychological special warfare attacks. And one must be aware that psychological and special warfare are much more destructive than any physical attack. That is why the enemy pushes it so much. Knowing this, it is necessary to develop more awareness and organizational work against the enemy’s special war policies.

One of the consequences of the system crisis is the rise of authoritarian, violent, and pro-war tendencies around the world. The crisis of capitalist modernity affects the societies it shapes. How are women in particular affected by this crisis? What is the connection between the increase in violence against women and the systemic crisis? What does it mean that the slogan ‘Jin, Jiyan, Azadi’ has spread all over the world and has become part of women’s resistance against capitalist modernity?

There may be a relationship between the intensifying of the crisis and the intensifying of violence in general and violence against women in particular. The system of capitalist modernity is a system that produces problems, oppression, exploitation, and violence. And again, there is a crisis in the general structure of the system. But it should not be assessed and analyzed in such a way that the system is just in a current state of crisis. The system of capitalist modernity is the system in which the male-dominated mentality deepens the most. It is the system that is most opposed to women. It is quite understandable and meaningful that the group that struggles the most against such a system is women.

Of course, one should criticize and condemn the system regarding violence against women, but one should also be aware that this violence exists through men. Every violence against women is perpetrated through men. Therefore, it is the men who must first question and correct themselves. The cause of women’s liberation is not only a woman’s issue. It is also the cause of man’s transformation, since it is ultimately the man, it is the male-dominated mentality and culture, who creates this problem. Therefore it is important that men address the cause of freedom and approach it correctly. If we are to be liberated, if we are to be human, if we are to be good, we need to question and correct ourselves on the basis of the line that is being drawn by the women’s liberation. Unless we do this, it makes no sense to question, criticize and point to the system as the source of the problem. We need to question how the system is creating itself through us. To the extent that we do this and overcome it, we will be liberated and succeed in living up to the women’s struggle in the right way.

Women’s increasing struggle is crucial. The solution to the problems of freedom comes with the liberation of women. With the struggle for women’s liberation, not only are women liberated, but the whole society is liberated. In this respect, we all need to be in solidarity with the women’s liberation struggle, to support it and participate in it.

It is very meaningful and very important that the slogan ‘Jin, Jiyan, Azadi’ has become the slogan of the struggle against capitalist modernity. Rêber Apo attached great value to women and women’s freedom. He made a great effort for the liberation of women, as he recognized the deep connection between women and life and elaborated that life should be formed accordingly. He defined freedom as participating in such life and developing it. On this basis, he considered women’s liberation as the beginning and condition of everything. He broke all kinds of molds stemming from the male-dominated mentality, and instead of these dominant dogmatic patterns and lifestyles, he developed the principles of freedom and the understanding of free life with women. As a foundation of his love for women and his commitment to them and life, he focused on free life on the basis of women’s liberation. He gave his research and analyses in this regard a theoretical framework, and it gave great strength to the women’s liberation struggle. In response to this, we see that women strongly embraced and appreciated Rêber Apo.

In the specific case of Kurdistan, the women are facing both the special war policies implemented by the Turkish state and the collaborator-reactionary sectors. Kurdish women are subjected to systemic attacks due to being both Kurdish and women. In reaction to this, there is a strong organization of self-defense and resistance that women have developed. What kind of year has 2024 been for the women of Kurdistan? How should women fight against these attacks while playing a strategic leadership role in the revolution?

These are questions where it would only be appropriate that they are answered by female comrades. What I can underline is that women have a lot of power. The fact that both the system of capitalist modernity and genocidal colonialism target women so much is due to their constitutive, mobilizing, and liberating characteristics. The fear of this increases the anger and attacks against women.

States, and especially the Turkish state, are more than ever targeting the youth of Kurdistan with special warfare methods on a physically, mentally, emotionally, intellectually, and psychologically dimension. What is the situation of the youth in the four parts of Kurdistan and abroad? What kind of attacks and threats have they been subjected to, especially in 2024?

The attacks on the youth are similar to the attacks on women. This is due to the fact that the youth, like women, are the basic dynamic of society. Throughout history, sovereign powers have been engaged in an intense activity to contain and control the youth. Knowing that they cannot control the youth only through oppression and violence, they have resorted to various ways and methods. The main method used by the rulers has been to play with the mentality of the youth and bind them to themselves. In this way, it is aimed both to prevent them from forming a danger to them and to benefit from their power and energy. Utilizing the energy and power of the youth has been one of the most important issues for the ruling systems. Without exploiting the energy and power of the youth, it is impossible for the ruling systems to survive and the wheels of exploitation to turn.

The main task of the system of capitalist modernity is to stop youth from searching for their own direction to strive to and take them under control. Especially in the stage of the consumer society, the excessive development of individualism, the dissolution of spirituality and moral organization in the face of individualism, the exclusion of the search for meaning, and the presentation of materialism as the only value have destructive consequences on youth. Just by looking at it, one can understand how wrong, degrading, and corrupting the system and life of capitalist modernity are.

The genocidal colonialist Turkish state, taking advantage of the effects of capitalist modernist life on society and youth, is trying to detach Kurdish youth from struggle, patriotism, society, and life by deepening this with special war methods. Thus, the protection of society against all kinds of genocidal attacks is weakened. The future of society is being played with. Because the future of a society is its youth. A society whose youth is detached from it cannot have a future.

On the one hand, the enemy is trying to weaken Kurdish youth through special warfare methods, to tear them away from the struggle and the people, and on the other hand, they force the youth to leave Kurdistan. In order for this to happen, they increase the pressure and make them economically desperate so that they leave Kurdistan and go abroad. This is a method of special warfare and is part of the Kurdish genocide. There are activities of the Turkish state for this to happen in other parts as well. The young people who go abroad face the corrupting, degrading, and destroying attacks of capitalist modernist life. Against this policy of capitalist modernity and the genocidal colonialist enemy, it is crucial for the youth of Kurdistan to become politically conscious, to organize, and to focus on their country and the struggle. By doing so, they frustrate the enemy’s plans.

The PKK was born as a youth movement. Peoples leader Abdullah Ocalan once put it as, “We started young, we will succeed young”. Does the youth of Kurdistan live up to its strategic leadership role for the Kurdish freedom struggle? What is the level of organization they have achieved in society? What kind of responsibilities do they have in the context of self-defense in the face of developing attacks? What should be the perspective of the struggle for the new year?

As you put it, our movement was born as a youth movement, and by preserving this spirit and developing the struggle with this spirit, it created all these developments and has come to this day. Still today we are struggling and creating development accordingly. Rêber Apo’s expression highlights the ideological line of our movement. It is not a political or narrow organizational discourse but an ideological approach. When we say that youth is our soul, we are not only emphasizing the dynamism of the youth; we emphasize the youth’s essence and freedom stance that is not contaminated with the dirt, rust, and property relations of the system. If our movement has constantly developed and still always preserved its revolutionary essence, if it has constantly deepened the struggle for freedom, it is the result of the spirit of youth it possesses. In every stage of the Kurdish freedom struggle and in all the developments created, the youth of Kurdistan has played a pioneering role. In fact, the guerrilla was brought to life by the youth movement, and this continues to be the case.

Rêber Apo identified the youth and women as the pioneers of the paradigm. The responsibility of the youth of Kurdistan has since increased even more, particularly in the current period, which is a period of organizational structuring. It is to build democratic communal life within the organization of democratic confederalism. It is the education and organization of society on this basis. It is also the development of society’s self-defense. Since such construction cannot take place without self-defense, the youth has a great role in both frustrating the enemy’s attack and defending the organized society. Considering the hostile attacks on Kurdistan, self-defense has gained vital importance for the Kurdish people; it is the most urgent task.

Again, the attacks and plans of the genocidal colonialist Turkish state targeting Rojava are obvious. Against this, the youth calls for mobilization. This surely is the proper attitude. The youth of Kurdistan must mobilize to defend the revolution of Rojava on the basis of the strategy of the revolutionary people’s war. It must participate in the war to defend the revolution as the most organized force. They should work for the participation of the people in the self-defense war, educate and organize the people on this issue. Educating and organizing the people and developing self-defense are the three main tasks of the period. The youth of Kurdistan must play a leading role in the fulfillment of these three fundamental tasks.

Against the enemy’s special war, the youth organizations must educate and organize themselves. They must be able to reach the masses of youth with rich ways and methods and educate and raise awareness of the masses of youth against the special war. It must also develop the reaction in society against the enemy’s special psychological attacks and mobilize society. The enemy attacks society 24/7 with dirty war methods and without following any law or morality and humiliates the values of society. Against this, the youth must mobilize society and make it react against the special war attacks. The youth must develop a stronger and clearer attitude against the appointment of trustees. They should not stop until they make the state take a step back. If the enemy usurps the will of the people without recognizing any law, any reaction and action against this is legitimate and necessary. Again, the youth must have an attitude and orientation against the enemy’s drug, prostitution, and spy networks.

The process in Syria, which started with the attacks on Aleppo on November 27 and gained momentum with Assad’s fall from power, continues. How did these developments happen so fast? How should the attitude of the regime and its former supporting powers, Russia and Iran, be interpreted? Is there an agreement between the bloc led by Russia and the US-led forces? What kind of a new Syria is envisioned?

The process that resulted in the fall of the Baathist regime in Syria was very fast, but the preparations for it had been made long beforehand. Iran and Russia’s lack of resistance, the Syrian army’s unopposed withdrawal, and finally Bashar al-Assad’s exit are contrary to what one would call the normal course of events. Therefore, it is clear that agreements and negotiations have been made beforehand. To be fully capable of understanding this is, of course, needed to assess the situation of each power involved separately.

The starting date of this new process in the Middle East was October 7, 2023. After this date, the US, Britain, and Israel saw it appropriate for themselves to put their plans for the Middle East into practice. In this context, Iran’s power in the region was targeted. Pro-Iranian forces such as Hamas, Hezbollah, and the Houthis were targeted by the US, Britain, and Israel with a much higher intensity than expected. Israel may have been the striking force, but the main driver of this war is the US. And then again, after the US, Britain is behind this war. Iran found itself in this process unprepared. Just like Russia was surprised during the war in Ukraine, Iran also experienced a similar surprise. In fact, the rest of the world was as surprised as Russia during the Ukraine war. For example, the Turkish generals who were paraded on the screens were saying that Russia would invade and take Ukraine in a few days. Basically nobody anticipated the US plan, and nobody thought and expected that the Biden administration would this quickly dominate NATO again. Everyone thought it was Russia’s and Putin’s plan. Surely Russia had a plan of its own, but it probably realized much later that what it encountered was quite different from what it thought. The same thing happened with the Israeli offensive against Hamas. Everyone thought that there would be a ceasefire in a few days, that it would not even take two weeks. But this was not the case. First Hamas was targeted and weakened, then the direction of the war shifted to Lebanon. Here too, Hezbollah was targeted and weakened. As soon as Hezbollah was broken and the ceasefire with Lebanon was signed, the situation in Syria emerged.

It was crucial that Hezbollah’s power was broken before the situation in Syria emerged. If this had not been done, the developments in Syria would not have been possible in this form. Even if the fall of the regime was planned, it would not have happened so fast. Of course, targeting and weakening Hamas and then Hezbollah has weakened Iran’s power in the region. It was especially Hezbollah’s presence in Syria that was enabling Iran’s influence in the region. Iran was brought to a point where it was left with basically only one option, and that was to go to war as the state of Iran itself. But apparently, this was not seen as useful; Iran did not take this step. So, Iran has perhaps prevented, or at least postponed, a move directly against it. But in any case, Iran has been the power that has suffered the most from this process. It has not only lost its influence in Syria. Its position in Iraq has also been jeopardized.

The new process in the Middle East was initiated with the Hamas attack as a pretext, but already with the war in Ukraine, it became clear that the forces of capitalist modernity, led by the US, wanted to redesign the world system or to accelerate and finalize this work that had already begun. This was the reading of our movement, and it prepared itself on this basis. The button for this was pressed with the Ukrainian war; at least the signs of this were given with the start of this war. It is clear that the Ukrainian war has turned into a quagmire for Russia. By dragging Russia into the war, the US not only broke Russia’s power and questioned its legitimacy but also disrupted the project of an energy route through the north. While Russia was seeking to somehow end the war with Ukraine, it could not go against the US, UK, and Israeli plan and go to war in Syria in favor of the regime. What is being debated now is whether Russia made a deal with the US or not. It is highly likely that Russia made a deal with the US over the Ukraine war. It may have made such a deal with Trump, if not with the Biden administration. Obviously, Russia has tried to come out of this with the least damage or the highest possible gain, taking into account the circumstances. For now, its bases in northwestern Syria are said to have been closed. We don’t know whether they will reopen or whether Russia will be forced to leave. But it is certain that Russia has settled for the lesser of two evils, and its influence in the Middle East and the Eastern Mediterranean has suffered a significant blow.

The Baath regime’s effectiveness in the absence of Iran and Russia was not expected anyway. It had lost its own power and will long ago. The Baath regime had only one way out, and that was to come to an agreement with the Kurds and the North and East Syrian self-administration, to take democratic steps on this basis, and to transform itself democratically. But it failed to show this wisdom. In our opinion, there had been the conditions for this. However, due to the influence of foreign powers and its monist, dogmatic structure, which is closed to change, it was not able to do so. As a result, the situation that has emerged in Syria has happened according to the plan carried out within the scope of the redesign of the Middle East. What kind of developments Syria will witness in the future and what kind of system it will be governed by will be determined by the developments within the scope of this plan.

Parallel to HTS’s attacks on Syrian cities, the Turkish state and the affiliated SNA attacked autonomous regions, especially Manbij. How should the parallelism and simultaneity of these attacks be evaluated? What is the current policy of the international powers towards Rojava, North and East Syria?

In this regard, Turkey’s and the AKP-MHP government’s position on the situation in Syria must be addressed. It is clear that Turkey is not given the same role in the redesign of the Middle East as before. It seems that Turkey is trying to strengthen its position by getting involved in the situation in Syria, but it is rather unclear if this indeed will strengthen Turkey’s position. Maybe it can be said that it has been strengthened, but it is not clear whether this will last or not. As I tried to point out at the beginning, the Turkish state’s approach was initially based on opposition to the US, UK, and Israeli plan. Since Turkey was excluded from the IMEC project that was presented at the G20 summit in India, Tayyip Erdogan’s attitude was one of open opposition. He developed a clear attitude that we would not allow a project in which they were not involved. Before even one month had passed, Hamas attacked. Subsequently, the US, Britain, and Israel used this as a pretext to put into action the plan they had prepared in advance, and thus a new process was entered in the Middle East. Obviously, everything had been arranged and planned in advance. There was only one spark left, and they made Hamas do it through Tayyip Erdogan. What we don’t know is if Tayyip Erdogan knowingly let himself be used or if he unknowingly fell for this trick. But they must have realized that this situation was having negative consequences for them, so they made a deal with the US. Now they are acting as a part of the US, Britain, and Israel’s plan for Syria.

It was not unexpected that the Turkish state would attack Rojava. It has prepared its affiliated gangs and mercenaries, which it calls the Syrian National Army, for this purpose. When the new situation in Syria emerged, it turned it into an opportunity and launched a new attack by pushing the SNA, including Turkish soldiers and officers, forward. Again, the SNA is led by Turkish generals, and the aim and goal of the Turkish state is clear. It is to liquidate the autonomous self-administration by invading Rojava. This is the purpose of their attacks.

When the new situation in Syria emerged, the most critical places were Shahba and Til Rifat. There were camps where people who had migrated from Afrin were staying. Iran and Russia had been in the area between these camps and Aleppo, and they left this area to the gangs and withdrew. Til Rifat was completely surrounded. The forces of SDF then tried to create a corridor and establish a connection with this area. However, they were not successful in this. When this failed, the decision was taken to evacuate the people from that area, and an agreement was made so that the people of Afrin who remained in Shahba and Til Rifat could be evacuated. The Turkish state and the SNA gangs propagandized themselves as if they had taken this area in a war. But in reality, there was no war, and the withdrawal was by agreement. In other places where there were attacks, the resistance of the people and fighters of SDF continues. It seems that the SDF is putting up a great resistance in Tishrin and Qaraqozakh, inflicting heavy losses on the enemy. As long as the enemy cannot occupy these places, they cannot afford to turn to other places. The Turkish state has realized that it will not succeed against the SDF by relying only on the SNA gangs, so it is putting pressure on HTS and forcing it to also take a position against the SDF.

The future of Rojava and North and East Syria will be determined not by the approach of the coalition forces but by the resistance of the people and revolutionary forces. Until today, all the invasions and attacks of the Turkish state took place in front of the eyes of the coalition forces. However, they did not take a stance against this. Without their approval, the Turkish state could not have carried out these attacks. One should not expect anything from them. The peoples of Rojava, North and East Syria, must prepare themselves for war in every sense. Everywhere, the people must take their own defense into their own hands. In this way, if the people and revolutionary forces join hands and resist the attacks together, the enemy will never be able to achieve any results. Our people and friends in the other parts of Kurdistan and abroad must also stand in solidarity with Rojava and mobilize everywhere. They must organize demonstrations, shape public opinion, and develop political pressure to stop the attacks of the Turkish state.

The revolution of Rojava is in its 13th year. What level did the structure reach in terms of the system and social cohesion in North and East Syria? How is it possible that it is able to survive despite the attacks and embargoes that continue throughout all of 2024? In light of recent developments, what dangers await the autonomous self-administration and society in the new year? And also at the same time, what kind of opportunities has the new situation created for the Kurds and their allies in the struggle for a status?

The survival of the Rojava Revolution under all these attacks is something big in itself. This is certainly the result of a great effort and work. This must be recognized first and foremost. While regimes are falling and states are collapsing, the attacks on Rojava have been more intense than anywhere else, but the revolution has resisted all these attacks and managed to sustain itself. The Rojava Revolution is like an oasis in the desert. It is extremely difficult to exist as an alternative power in the heart of the Middle East, in a geography where the world’s most decisive powers are making their calculations and are trying to set their plans into action. Of course, not only the fact that the revolution is still standing is valuable, but particularly that it didn’t let go of its goals and principles.

When one evaluates the Rojava Revolution, it is necessary to take into account the circumstances and its unique aspects, goals, and principles. The Rojava Revolution does not work according to the statist paradigm. It does not develop a new socialization by the state from above, as in the real socialist style. It does not transfer all property and powers to the state and attempt the transformation of society by the state. It does not approve of these methods, which real socialism failed to achieve results with, and does not apply them. The Rojava Revolution aims to build the revolution based on the reality of the democratic commune and the free individual and to transform society on this basis. It wants to develop the construction of the revolution based on the transformation of mentality and by involving the society. In doing so, it takes women’s freedom as a basis. The construction of socialism and the development of the revolution can only be realized with a new understanding of life to be developed on the basis of women’s freedom, as well as the ecological life. The revolution aims to develop the life of democratic modernity against the life of capitalist modernity by building the life of organized democratic society. In order to overcome the nationalist, sectarian, and monist mentality that the nation state understanding of capitalist modernity has implanted in society, the new understanding according to the democratic nation is being developed.

When one evaluates the Rojava Revolution from the perspective of these basic principles and strategic lines, one can clearly see that significant progress has been made and important results have been achieved. First of all, all the peoples of North and East Syria have succeeded in developing a common life together based on the model of the democratic nation. This experience is a first in the Middle East, and it is gradually becoming a model for the whole of Syria and the Middle East. The second important development is the success achieved in women’s liberation. The development achieved by women in the revolution is far ahead of world standards. By looking at the progress achieved by women in the revolution, it can be predicted that the revolution in the Middle East will develop based on this. As far as it is reflected to us, there is intense work for the construction of the revolution. Everywhere there is work on the basis of organizing social assemblies, communes, and committees. We know that there is a constant effort to overcome the inadequacies in construction. Undoubtedly, attacks, embargoes, sudden migrations, occupations, etc. negatively affect social life. Naturally, the concern for the defense of the revolution against attacks and efforts in this direction comes to the fore. When the future of the revolution is under threat and danger, the defense of the revolution is the most fundamental problem, and the concentration must be given here. Right now the main danger comes from the Turkish state. If the attacks of the Turkish state are broken and frustrated on the basis of the total resistance of the society, it is possible for the revolution to develop and set an example for the whole of Syria. The right solution for Syria is based on the experience developed in North and East Syria.

Within the framework of the agreement between the Turkish government, the Iraqi government, and the KDP, the attacks against the freedom movement continue. Also, there were elections in Southern Kurdistan, and the KDP failed to gain the majority to come to power. Internal problems continue in Iraq. Again, the issue of Kirkuk and Shengal (Sinjar) has not been resolved. How did 2024 pass for Southern Kurdistan? How did the occupation attacks affect the society? What kind of a year awaits the society of southern Kurdistan?

Iraq is one of the places most affected by any development in the Middle East, and it can be expected to be the state most affected by the new situation in Syria, while Iran still remains the main target of the attacks. Iran is the main power targeted in all the attacks, from the attack on Hamas to the fall of the regime in Syria. Iran’s power was broken first in Gaza, then in Lebanon, and now in Syria. Considering Iran’s power and influence over Iraq, it can be predicted that Iraq will be next after Syria. This probability is high. The situation and future of Iraq have become completely uncertain.

There is the Iraqi question that has never been solved. The Baathist regime was overthrown in 2003, but a model that would solve the problems permanently could not be developed. A constitution that solves the problems completely could not be prepared. Mosul and Kirkuk remained problematic regions in the constitution. A solution was tried to be developed, but it was seen that this was not successful. Since a solution that would include the whole region could not be developed, Turkey and Iran tried to take advantage of this. Iran through the Shiites and the Turkish state through the KDP and Sunnis tried to establish influence over Iraq. Now it is seen that lessons have been learned from this, and a regional approach is taken as a basis. Therefore it is expected that an approach towards Iraq will be developed and Iran’s influence will be broken. If this happens, the balance in Iraq will seriously change again. Even the disintegration of Iraq may also come to the agenda. Iran’s reaction to this is unlikely to be the same as in Syria. Because for Iran, Iraq is like the last outpost. Beyond that, the war would spread directly inside Iran. In this respect, a strong reaction by Iran may develop. This increases the possibility of Iraq’s disintegration.

Regarding the mentioned agreement, Iraq should learn a lesson from the situation in Syria. Bashar al-Assad was brought down by Erdogan. Now he wants to control the administration in Damascus. Tomorrow, when a similar decision is made about Iraq, they may put the Turkish state into action here too. With the help of Tayyip Erdogan, they will either break Iraq into pieces or force it into a situation like Damascus. The administration sitting in Baghdad will have no more authority and power than a governor. It is really surprising that Iraqis do not see this. We do not understand whether all Iraqis do not see this, or whether they see it but cannot get Sudani to say anything. Iraq will not benefit from relations with Turkey. On the contrary, these relations are a great danger for the country. When the Iraqi kingdom was overthrown in 1958, the first thing that was done on the second day of the revolution was to cancel the Baghdad Pact. Because the relations with Turkey had led Iraq to disaster. Now, after all these experiences, for Iraq to re-enter into such a relationship with the Turkish state is to not learn from history and to not read today’s developments correctly.

The KDP and the Barzani clan have completely tied their fate to the Turkish state and the AKP-MHP government. They act according to the aims and plans of the Turkish state, not according to the demands, freedom, and future of the Kurdish people. The only thing they aim for is material gain. They have no concerns or ideas other than material gain. The KDP and the Barzani clan are total collaborators. This collaborative attitude has put southern Kurdistan in great danger. They openly support and legitimize the occupation of the South. While the guerrilla is resisting the occupation, the KDP is giving all kinds of support to the enemy. The KDP intelligence organization Parastin directly supports and participates in all attacks and massacres against patriots in southern Kurdistan by the Turkish intelligence service. Without the support of the KDP, the Turkish state would neither dare to attack guerrilla areas in this way nor massacre patriots in the middle of the cities. All this is happening with the support of the KDP. Not only that, the KDP imposes and threatens everyone else to be collaborators and traitors like itself. It tries to associate everyone with the Turkish state in a collaborative manner. With the plundering order it has established, it has left the people hopeless and without a future. It has taken all the means into its hands and left the people in poverty and uncertainty. Just like in the other occupied parts of Kurdistan, there is a massive migration from the South to abroad. There is no government of southern Kurdistan, as it is portrayed. There is no functioning system. There are no democratic rules and procedures. It is a robbery scheme through which the Barzani clan is looting the people for its own interests.

The KDP approaches the other parts of Kurdistan in the same way it approaches southern Kurdistan. It approaches them according to the plans of the Turkish state. It does not think of the national interests of our people in the other parts but of the material benefits it will gain from its relations with the enemy. This has been its approach to Rojava, the North, and Rojhilat. Everywhere it acts according to the enemy’s plans, it takes an attitude that supports and legitimizes the enemy’s attack. This attitude of the KDP constitutes the biggest danger. We can say that the greatest danger for the people of Kurdistan is not the enemy from outside but the collaborative and treasonous politics developed by the KDP from within. It is this politics of the KDP that makes the enemy dangerous. Of course, the most important issue here is to develop a patriotic attitude against the collaborative and treasonous line developed by the KDP. Primarily, it is necessary to develop such an attitude in southern Kurdistan. All patriotic parties, organizations, and institutions, as well as patriotic individuals, should join forces and unite against the collaborative treason and lead the national democratic struggle.

Throughout the year, the war between Israel and the Iranian-influenced forces called the Shiite Crescent, or the Axis of Resistance, continued. The forces attached to Iran were significantly weakened. At the same time, there is also serious social opposition against Iran’s policies inside the country. Especially Rojhilat has been in an important resistance since the Jina Emini uprisings. Then again, there is also resistance in Iranian prisons, especially by female political prisoners. How do you evaluate this resistance? How do the regional developments affect Rojhilat? What kind of developments can be expected in Iran and Rojhilat in the coming period?

The desire for freedom and democratic life is very high in Iran. Both the Iranian society and the people of Rojhilat have constantly been on their feet. With the Jin Jiyan Azadi uprisings, a new process in the struggle has begun, and the leadership of women has further developed. The Iranian peoples have a century of experience with their struggle. A common struggle was waged against the Shah’s regime, and the Shah’s regime was overthrown. The fall of the Shah’s regime, which was completely under the control of capitalist modernity, was a great victory of society against capitalist modernity. 1979 was an important historical turning point. However, the developments that followed were counter-revolutionary. Under the name of Islamic rule, the line of the revolution was deviated from, and society’s quest for a democratic life was hindered. Thus, the problems in Iran could not be solved and continued to worsen. Today, Iran faces aggravated social problems.

The balance of power that Iran had developed outside through the forces loyal to it was not based on a solid foundation. It had increased its influence in the region not through its own efforts but by taking advantage of the Middle East plan that capitalist modernity had left unfinished or failed to bring to fruition. After the collapse of the Soviet Union, the US-led redesign of the Middle East entered the agenda, and the US intervention in Iraq developed in this context. However, this intervention did not extend to the whole region and was left unfinished. A system that would cover the whole region could not be developed. This situation created gaps in the Middle East, especially in Iraq. Iran took advantage of this vacuum and increased its influence in the Middle East through its affiliated forces. The Turkish state has adopted a similar approach. However, our struggle prevented the Turkish state from establishing too much influence in the region. Iran has approached this situation in a misguided manner and has seen the development it has achieved in the region as its own ingenuity. It thought that its activity in Iraq and Syria was only due to its own ingenuity. Because of this misguided approach, it ignored the developments achieved by our movement in the Middle East. Now it has become clear that the situation is not as Iran thought. When a plan involving the entire region was put into action on the basis of the redesign of the Middle East, the axis that Iran had formed and believed to be strong was hit and disintegrated in a very short time.

Iran, along with Turkey, is the most endangered power. On the one hand, it is facing severe social problems and is experiencing difficulties, and on the other hand, it is the primary target of the US, UK and Israeli plan. Iran’s external power has been significantly broken. After the fall of the Baathist regime in Syria, it seems that the focus will shift to Iraq. This means that the war will come to Iran’s doorstep. Iran’s internal problematic situation makes it possible to manipulate it. However, because of its geopolitical position, the disintegration of Iran has not been on the agenda so far. This is because there was a concern that if it were to disintegrate, control over it would be lost. Because of this concern, both the Shah’s regime was supported and protected and the integrity of Iran was not touched despite the contradictory-problematic situation after the fall of the Shah. But now a regional design plan is being developed. Accordingly, the approach to Iran will also change. Change is inevitable in Iran. The severe social problems on the one hand and the system’s plans for the Middle East and Iran on the other make it impossible for things to continue as they are in Iran. We often point this out, but let me say it again, there is a need for democratization steps in the Middle East. Iran is one of the places where this need is the greatest. Iran should take democratic steps to solve problems, especially the Kurdish problem. We do not want interventions either in Iran or elsewhere. We see it right to solve the problems through internal dynamics and democratization, and as a movement we struggle for this. This vision of ours is valid for Iran, Turkey and elsewhere. The best solution is for Iran to take steps on this basis. Otherwise, the current course is extremely wrong and dangerous. In this course, we strongly condemn the death sentences. Problems cannot be solved and nothing can be achieved through repression, suppression and executions. Iran must renounce the death sentences and stop the executions.

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